Almost every hard problem in this framework is shared jurisdiction. A Victoria council delivers these outcomes with partners or not at all — so the asks are published before the election, and so is what happens if the answer is no.
Shelter and supportive housing are provincial (BC Housing). Mental-health and substance-use care is Island Health. Policing costs run through a board the Province structures. Transit is a commission.
Every contribution named below is already costed in the Savings & Revenue Analysis; every gated measure stays at $0 until a partner signs. This page adds no measure and books no cost.
The format is the discipline. For each partner: what they control, what the framework brings (already costed), the specific ask, and what happens if no partner comes — because an ask with no fallback is a hostage note to your own platform.
Shelter and supportive-housing capital and operations, including the HEARTH program — whose eighth Victoria project, Bridge Street Pathways (34 spaces), opened January 2026, prioritized for people sheltering on the 900-block of Pandora.
We bring
The M11 City share ($2–3M/yr) as match, not substitute; siting cooperation and fast, honest permitting (M7); and the regional-burden facts — Victoria already carries roughly 89% of the region's shelter spaces and 83% of its supportive and transitional units (City of Victoria, January 2026).
The ask
Regional fair-share siting across the CRD; accessible, low-barrier standards — because 76% of people counted in 2025 reported a reason to avoid shelter, safety first, and capacity people refuse satisfies neither the courts nor the street (see the Legal Defensibility Annex); continuation of the Pandora-priority intake model the Bridge Street project set; and shared coordinated-access data so the count and the capacity are measured on one ledger.
If no partner
The capacity-first sequence slows, the framework says so publicly in the quarterly report, and the provincial-downloading ledger (M70b) records exactly what was asked, when, and what it cost Victoria to wait.
2. Island Health
They control
Clinical mental-health and substance-use services, primary-care attachment, and the health side of street response.
We bring
Two measures designed as co-funding offers — civilian crisis response (M26b, $0.20–0.35M/yr) and community paramedicine (M28d, $0.15–0.25M/yr) — both gated: they proceed only with a confirmed provincial or health-authority cost-share partner. The gate is the negotiating position, not a loophole: municipally funding clinical services outright is the downloading M70b exists to refuse. Also on the table: family-doctor recruitment incentives (M13b, $0.2–0.4M/yr) and the heat and cooling network (M64, $0.4M/yr).
The ask
Co-funded teams with the right responder taking the call, and data-sharing that lets the M67 dashboard publish response outcomes.
If no partner
Both gated measures remain advocacy at $0 — exactly as Part C books them — and the ask is renewed in public, every quarter, with the refusal on the record.
3. Province of BC — Public Safety and the Police Act
They control
The Police Act, board appointments, the Director of Police Services, and the modernization agenda that began with the all-party Special Committee on Reforming the Police Act (2022) and continued through the Police Amendment Act, 2024.
We bring
The regional policing services review (M29b, $0.3–0.5M one-time, 18 months, partially recoverable from participating municipalities) — the study that finally prices what Victoria carries for the region — and the M31c performance contract attaching published outcomes to City funding.
The ask
Provincial participation in the review and its terms of reference, and a fair reckoning of regional burdens in any Police Act reform — Victoria's per-capita policing cost ($598, 2023, highest in BC) is in large part a regional-service subsidy, and the review exists to prove or disprove exactly that.
If no partner
The review proceeds with willing municipalities, and its findings are published either way.
4. BC Transit and the Victoria Regional Transit Commission
They control
Service levels, RapidBus, fares.
We bring
A published annual City position and a public record of Commission decisions (M23b, $0), plus transit-priority capital as a named allocation inside the existing transportation envelope — reallocation, not addition.
The ask
Frequent-network reliability and RapidBus priority on the corridors the City is already re-engineering.
If no partner
The position publishes anyway; the decision record shows who voted for what.
5. School District 61
We bring
A standing joint-use agreement (M13d, $0–50K/yr) — recreation, fields and facilities shared instead of duplicated, which is typically net-positive against capital the City would otherwise build — and the school-food co-funding line (M13, $0.15M/yr).
The ask
One standing agreement replacing ad-hoc negotiation, with school-zone safety works coordinated under M20b.
6. The Songhees and Esquimalt Nations — a foundation, not an ask
◆ This section is deliberately different
The lək̓ʷəŋən-speaking peoples are not a senior government to petition; the relationship is government-to-government and it is the framework's foundation (M1–M5, $0.27M/yr booked): standing working tables, Indigenous procurement, lək̓ʷəŋən place names, cultural protocols, and urban Indigenous services.
It is also, as a matter of provincial policy, a precondition — the Minister has made First Nations consultation a requirement before any amalgamation referendum can even be considered. Nothing on this page proceeds around the Nations; the tables exist so it proceeds with them.
7. Capital Regional District
They control
Regional water, wastewater, solid waste, regional parks and regional housing — a large and growing share of what a household actually pays, billed through rates and requisitions rather than the tax rate.
We bring
The annual regional bill and Victoria's CRD voting record, published (M70c, $0), and the Household Bill that puts City and regional charges on one notice (M66d).
On amalgamation, the position is the process. The Citizens' Assembly recommended a Victoria–Saanich amalgamation (April 2025); the Minister requires a completed financial and service-impact analysis and First Nations consultation before a binding referendum; both councils accordingly placed a non-binding question on the October 17, 2026 ballot.
✗ What nobody can honestly claim
Until the analysis exists, any amalgamation savings figure — from any candidate, in either direction — is invention. The framework commissions the analysis (M81, $150–300K Victoria share, cost-shared with Saanich, provincial contribution requested on the 2018 precedent) and books $0 from the outcome.
8. Federal government and FCM
We bring
Grant-ready projects with published costings — which is precisely what senior-government programs reward.
The posture
Unchanged from Part G of the Savings & Revenue Analysis: grants are pursued aggressively and never budgeted. The district-energy feasibility study targets a ≥50% FCM Green Municipal Fund cost-share (M58b); GIS modernization typically attracts 50–70% co-funding; the capital tables assume zero. If grants land, costs fall — the plan never depends on it.
◆ The rule across all eight
Every ask carries a named, already-costed contribution from the City's side of the table; no partner's money is booked before it is signed; and every unanswered ask is published, dated, and repeated. Advocacy with receipts.
Annex version 1.10 — July 31, 2026, published to this site August 5, 2026. This page adds no measure and books no cost. Changes are dated in the version history.
No copyright. Attribution to A City That Works — A Citizens' Framework for Victoria 2026 appreciated but not required.